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Jagmohan behind Exodus of one million Muslims in Swat valley

Pakistan is buckling under the pressure of Islamic jihadis created by its intelligence agency I.S.I, A group of unemployed, unethical, blood thirsty lechers
Who probably have nothing to do with Sufi philosophy of Islam, and who call themselves Taliban are conveniently using Islam for killing and torturing innocent people in SWAT valley of Pakistan.ISI’s baby has grown monstrously to swallow even the present Pakistan.
As a Human being, I have soft corner for one million Pakistanis who had to fled from Taliban controlled Pakistan. One million Pakistanis have become refugees in their own land exactly the same way as Kashmiri Pandits who are spending their 20th year in Exile.
In both cases it is the Pakistan’s ISI who is primarily responsible for the exodus.
ISI had conveniently used Islam as an effective tool to eliminate the Kashmiri Pandits from Kashmir by employing the local Kashmiri Muslims as terrorists to kill
On the name of Islam.
For last twenty years we have been asked the following question a thousand times
As to why did KPs leave Kashmir”?
Many people have answered this question on our behalf without even asking us.
First and at the forefront to answer it on our behalf was the propaganda machine of JKLF who spread the rumour that Jag Mohan wanted to annihilate KMs and as such asked KPs to clear Kashmir so that his such a plan could be acted upon. This of course was trash but what is important is that this vicious thought was cooked in the ISI’s rotten cooking pots just to drive a wedge between well meaning KMs and KPs as these KMs(very few though) could have otherwise questioned targeting innocent KPs.

The second group to ask this question is the Pakistanis who we meet at neutral venues of the world. These people are so blindly awash with Paki propaganda that they can not separate chafe for the grain.

The third group who asked this question is the unconcerned sections of Indian population, these people are so comprehension less that even if a Bangla Deshi illegal Immigrant was to become their CM or even the PM they would not even notice or find anything untoward in it.

But my KP brothers and sisters, this question has finally been answered by none other than the God Almighty himself, who is the most merciful and just.

We were just 600,000 who were made to run for our lives and the Honor of our womenfolk by the conditions that prevailed in the then J&K. Today over 1,000,000 Muslim Pakistanis had to run away from Swat and Bunker and these numbers are swelling by the minute.
Now what has
i) ISI machinery and its stooge JKLF or Hurriat Conference to say as to why 1,000,000 Pakistani ran away form their own lands.
ii) What have overseas Pakistani to say about the same and can they compare this scenario with KP’s plight.
iii) What have Pakistanis in general to say about the ejection of one million fellow Pakistani swatis from their home and hearth.

Things have come a full circle, “Bakre ki Maa kab tak Khaair manayege”.
Time of reckoning (Kayamat ka din) for the perpetrator of Kashmiri mayhem may not be far away.

Inputs by MR. Satya Prakash

83 acre land belonging to displaced Pandits encroached in Kashmir

JAMMU : Jammu and Kashmir government today said that 1,608 cases of trespassing and encroachment of properties belonging to displaced Kashmiri Pandits have been detected in the Valley.

Replying to CPIM MLA, M Y Tarigami’s question in the Assembly, Minister incharge for revenue said that 1,608 cases of encroachment and trespassing have been reported in connection with properties belonging to displaced KP’s.

Nearly 83 acres of land belonging to displaced Pandits in the valley has been encroached. The process to evict the encroachers is on and 1,160 other encroachment cases have already been disposed of, he said.

He said that no immovable property of displaced Pandits has been taken into custody in terms of Section 7 of Jammu and Kashmir Immovable Property and Preservation, Protection and Restraint of Distress Sale Act of 1997.

There are total 58,618 displaced families including 33,351 Kashmiri Pandits, 2,231 Muslims and 1,701 Sikhs residing in Jammu and Kashmir and outside.
source:daily excelsior

The new proselytizers

10 Feb 2009, 1921 hrs IST, Tarun Vijay

Nandita Das created a stir by scripting and directing “Firaaq”. It’s a soul-stirring movie. Nandita, the director and scriptwriter, has tried to be as honest and candid with the celluloid as her deep-rooted commitment to her political ideology. Terrifyingly impressive is the way she uses silence as a tool to etch her message on the viewers’ minds. The actors live the characters they represent. And she admits frankly, “It’s a political movie.”

As a filmmaker and journalist, I would give her full marks for a political statement that has been registered so strongly that this film is going to have better effect than a hundred thousand people’s gathering.

Surely, more than a movie it’s a political statement. She is a person with strong colours of ideology and she has done what she thought she must do. “Firaaq” will certainly get rave reviews in the Indian media. She has already received some international awards, and like “Slumdog Millionaire”, the film has passed the test through “firang” eyes and hence must be all the more acceptable to the “progressive secular, peace loving” people here who have a large, global heart and express their feelings in English.

Apart from its technical qualities of cinematography, editing, direction and script it almost convinced me that barbarism begins with Hindus.

There would be a couple of critical articles or comments, if any, criticizing the movie on ideological points or for the depiction of the events, which may be found completely wrong and devastatingly hateful. These critics may forget that this is a political movie that would sell because the West needs a Jamal or a Mohsin to be rewarded to help it cover the feelings that emerged after 9/11. Having heard Nandita on the movie and seen the clips, I too would have converted to her views if the Godhra incident was not vividly clear in my mind.

I would have turned to take Nandita’s autographs with a sense of admiration if I had not heard the cries of Seema, whose father, mother and brother were slaughtered with a butcher’s knife in Doda, before her eyes, when she was barely seven, in the name of a jihad my secular friends interpret differently. I tried to ask a question: who were those Hindus killed and brutalized during the Gujarat riots? It’s impossible for me to keep mum or justify what happened after Godhra, which saw innocent Muslims being killed so ghastly that no words are enough to express the hurt. The colour of the tears of a mother, whether Hindu or Muslim, is alike. But dividing dead bodies and deciding levels of mourning on the basis of their faith should be as unacceptable as the killings of innocent citizens. Killing truth and colouring facts must also be called a pogrom of civility.

In fact, the secular messengers of the new gospel of hate have turned into aggressive proselytizers setting their worldview as a prerequisite to enter any socio-political or literary regime. They have successfully monopolized the world of various media establishing English as the only vehicle of intellectual discourse and thus keeping the doors to the higher echelons of elite and decision makers shut to those who belong to the Indian-language groups and represent the real ethos of the land. Although to make profits, these very secular groups would sell bhajans and show religious serials while attacking the very spirit of and the protective shields to such traditions in the very next programme. They can’t imagine winning votes with speeches in English or going to the common voter with a wine glass or a beer bottle in their hands. Yet, in their social circuit, they would raise the flag of “pub culture” and look with contempt at a person speaking an Indian language.

Just have a look at the loan forms of the banks. The last paragraph says “those blind, illiterate or signing in a vernacular language must get their signatures attested by someone who knows English”. Can this kind of instruction be tolerated in the UK or the US for their national languages? Even the use of the word “vernacular” for the national languages is a derogatory, colonial hangover. But who cares? They look at Indians as slumdogs, are alien to the threads that weave a fabric called India and treat the “natives” like Kipling’s Ramu. So when a western royal or head of state comes, he is made to cuddle a slum child with a running nose or taken to an orphanage for a photo op to show western compassion for the unprivileged. An Indian Prime Minister is never asked to give alms to the homeless sleeping on the stairs of St James in London or offer grants to an NGO in New York working for the victims of child abuse or teen mothers. Compassion must remain a virtue of the rich and powerful.

It is this English-speaking elite that determines what India must be reading or thinking or how Hindus must be behaving. They read about Hindus through Oxford or Cambridge publishers and show the temerity to sermonize those Hindus who have imbibed their dharma in their genes and lived every bit of it, making Kumbh melas possible and taking dips in the Ganga on the chilling mornings of Kartik and Magh. The secular proselytizer visits Kumbh, not as a devotee but as a photographer to take pictures of bathing Hindu women and sadhus using mobile phones, as if being sadhus they ought to live as cavemen. The pictures they wire to press agencies essentially depict the weird, intoxicated, obscene and the unacceptable face of uncivilized Hindus to the west.

They don’t know a bit about our faith, or what Magh, Amavasya or Saptami means. They take Sanskrit degrees in English and tell us, what’s the use of such knowledge in today’s world? To be futuristic means denouncing all that you have preserved since ages. That’s an alienated crowd of people with an accent, detached from the Indian reality.

They tell us, you bad guys, you demolished our Babri. Yet, not a single political party can dare to promise in its election manifesto that if it is voted to power, it would rebuild Babri over the present makeshift temple of Ram in Ayodhya. Their influence on the Indian masses is hardly worth noticing, yet their control on the media and political power centres makes them important. Their intellectual terror is so overpowering that today most of the national parties in India execute their proceedings in English. Poor and often unauthorized translations are dished out in Hindi and other Indian languages. The language, idiom and attitude of this “secular” English-speaking elite, controlling the media, advertising and governance remain alien to the indigenous fragrances which they dismiss as folk or ethnic contours, only to be enjoyed in a Suraj Kund mela.

The secular code is: abuse and misrepresent the facts about the opponents, use a pub incident in Mangalore more importantly than the anguish and pains of the soldiers demonstrating at Jantar Mantar, turn every news desk and edit control station into Godhra, throttling the other view point.

One isolated incident of the Hindu right would become a globally circulated representative of the Hindu intolerance and terrorism. None of us accepted the way Mangalore happened. Who cares whether Valentine’s day is celebrated or not. If someone says to me “Happy Valentine’s Day”, I will just smile and say “same to you”. That’s it. Those who find it a nice way to feel joy must be free to do so. But why I must say “yes, Valentine’s Day is the biggest symbol of love, amity and happiness” and feel elated seeing obscenities on the streets to prove I am an educated modern person?

To each one, his own. I must be ready to accept every happy occasion of any colour or faith or stream to smile and send compliments, but should it become mandatory as a fatwa?

But my questions to those who use incidents like Gujarat riots for awards and rubbing salt on Hindu wounds was: why forget Godhra and Doda and Anantnag and Kishtwar? In the case of Kashmiri Hindus, the “seculars” won’t like to earn displeasure of the jihadis.

I think it’s self-defeating to crib about such situations. If you feel injustice has been done, prepare to counter the wrongs through legitimate instruments.

Nandita did what she felt was right and did it quite courageously without bothering what the other side would feel. What did you do to present Doda or Godhra to the world? Who stopped any other Indian to make a movie on the pains and sorrows of Seema or to document the desecration of temples in Kashmir and record the woes of Hindus who had to pass through weird massacres like the one we saw at Wandhama?

The author is the Director, Dr Syamaprasad Mookerjee Research Foundation.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Columnists/Tarun-Vijay-The-new-proselytizers/articleshow/4107647.cms

Kashmir Day: Hit and run

Shakir Husain
Kashmir Day is today, and people all over Pakistan are trying to figure out what to do with their Thursday. Nobody quite knows what they’re supposed to do on Kashmir Day other than sleep late, eat halwa puri, and maybe watch a few Indian movies. For the more involved, Kashmir Day provides a day for people like Qazi Hussain Ahmed to lead marches supporting the Kashmiris – Qazi Sahib is probably not too fond of halwa puri or Bollywood; and at his age sleeping in is probably not an option either. Most people that I have talked to find it absurd that Qazi Sahib and his friends never find the time to protest when militants decapitate fellow Muslims in Swat (and elsewhere in Pakistan) and blow up girls’ schools in the Northern Areas.
Most Pakistani citizens have more than enough problems on their plate to really care about Kashmir. I mean this in the most non-offensive way possible. But let’s be honest and look around us for a moment – our country is a mess. Politically, we have had to watch insecure pygmies with fragile egos duke it out without really caring about the people who voted for them. And for good measure our political leadership’s ability to sympathize with the “masses” is manifested by them acquiring luxury vehicles, VIP perks for themselves and their families, and the pursuit of VIP aircraft which can ferry them across our pure land. The greed and avarice that’s on display would put even the most brazen Citibankers to shame – I’ll exclude Shaukat the First from that list though.
Next up is our crumbling infrastructure about which the less said is better. Despite having mysteriously acquired nuclear weapons, Pakistani companies (both state and private) are unable to build a road which can withstand a rain or two. And then there is the power “situation”. There’s an acute shortage of power in a country which has no business having a power shortage given our geography in terms of natural water reservoirs. While far poorer countries than ours have resolved to reduce their dependence on oil as a primary source of energy for power, our bureaucrats and politicians remain clueless. For the past 9 years I have been hearing about CNG buses for Karachi as Delhi has done to reduce carbon emissions, yet nobody quite knows where these buses went to. We’ve been hearing about mass transport facilities for the citizens of our urban centers which have failed to materialize for all the wrong reasons – money. Yet there’s enough money to buy luxury vehicles for everyone and their grandmothers.
Law and order in Pakistan would be a good idea but the less said about it the better. Our crime fighting capability is still stuck in the 18th century and I was amused to read a statement by a police official in Karachi that the fingerprint unit was going to be “reactivated”. Yes, good idea officer especially since the technology is a couple of centuries old now. While senior officials wouldn’t be caught dead (no pun intended) in anything but the latest four-wheel drive, the average cop is untrained, outgunned, unfit, dangerously unmotivated and also understaffed with some of the lowest police/population ratios in the world. The few good officers that are left in the police force and other law enforcement agencies are transferred around on the whims of politicians and bureaucrats sitting on their high perches. So it’s not exactly a surprise as to why there has been a complete breakdown of law and order.
Most Pakistanis are under the misinformed impression that the Kashmiris under Indian rule want to join Pakistan. Ladies and Gentlemen, I hate to break this to you but the Kashmiris are way smarter than that. They have no desire to join Pakistan given the state of our nation; rather in the best case they seek independence as has been clearly stated by their leaders. They are even willing to settle for quasi-independence if push came to shove. But to join Pakistan is definitely not an option given what a royal mess we’ve made of our own four provinces. Indian occupation has been harsh as all occupations are, but before we go out to liberate Kashmir, Palestine, and every other Muslim land in the world let us first look within and sort the matters out in our house before we embark on these ambitious journeys. And let us stop the madness and stop declaring holidays – there are far better ways to express solidarity with a people than eating halwa puri and watching mindless television.
*(The writer is a Pakistani entrepreneur and business consultant).
-(Courtesy: The News)

Muslims of tibet

Muslims of Tibet

By Masood Butt
Tibetan Bulletin
January – February 1994
Tibet had pockets of Muslims entrenched within its borders although there is no documentary evidence on how Muslims first came to settle there. In fact, information on Tibetan Muslims in general itself is scarce. But the existence of Tibet appears to be known to the Muslim world from the earliest period of recorded history. Arab historians like Yaqut Hamawi, Ibn Khaldun and Tabari mention Tibet in their writings. In fact, Yaqut Hamawihas, in his book Muajumal Buldan (encyclopaedia of countries), refers to Tibet in three different ways Tabbat, Tibet and Tubbet.

During the reign of Umar bin Abdul Aziz (717-720) of the Persian Empire, it is believed that a delegation from Tibet and China requested him to send Islamic missionaries to their countries. Caliph Umar is said to have sent Salah bin Abdullah Hanafi to Tibet. The Abbasid rulers of Baghdad also maintained re1ations with Tibet in the eighth and the ninth centuries.

Kashmir and Eastern Turkestan were the nearest Islamic regions bordering Tibet. It is said that Muslim migrants from Kashmir and Ladakh areas first entered Tibet around 12th century. Gradually, marriages and social interaction led to an increase in the population until a sizable community came up around Lhasa, Tibet’s capital. There was no large-scale conversion to Islam though. Thomas Arnold, in his book, The Preaching of Islam, published in the early part of this century says, “Islam has also been carried into Tibet proper by Kashmiri merchants. Settlements of such merchants are to be found in all the chief cities of Tibet: they marry Tibetan women, who often adopt the religion of their husbands…”

Tibetan Muslims trace their origin from immigrants from four main regions: China, Kashmir, Ladakh and Nepal. Islamic influence in Tibet also came from Persia and Turkestan.

Muslims are known as Khache among Tibetans. This appear to be because the earliest Muslim settlers to Tibet were from Kashmir which was known as Khache Yul to Tibetans.

The arrival of Muslims was followed by the construction of mosques in different parts of Tibet. There were four mosques in Lhasa, two in Shigatse and one in Tsethang. In recent years, one mosque in Lhasa has been renovated, with Tibetan Muslims from India sending religious inscriptions to it for use. Tibetan Muslims were mainly concentrated around the mosques that they constructed. These mosques were maintained well and were the centres of Muslim social life in Tibet.

Tibetan Muslims led a reasonably free life in a Buddhist environment. In fact, during the time of the fifth Dalai Lama, Tibetan Muslims received the following special privileges:

i) They were permitted to settle their affairs independently, according to the Shariat Laws. The government permitted the Muslim community to elect a five-man committee, known as ‘Ponj’ who looked after their interest. From among the Ponj, a leader – known as Mia to Muslims and Kbache Gopa – (Muslim headman) among non-Muslims – was elected. ii) Tibetan Muslims were free to set up commercial enterprises and were exempted from taxation. iii) Tibetan Muslims were also exempted from implementing the ‘no meat rule’ when such a restriction was imposed in Tibet every year during a holy Buddhist month. Muslims were also exempted from removing their caps to Buddhist priests during a period in a year when the priests held sway over the town. Muslims were also granted the Mina Dronbo (invitation to different communities) status to commemorate the assumption of spiritual and temporal authority by the fifth Dalai Lama.

In addition, Muslims had their own burial place. There were two cemeteries around Lhasa: one at Gyanda Linka about 12 km from Lhasa town and the other at Kygasha about 15 km away. A portion of Gyanda Linka was turned into a garden and this became the place where the Muslim community organised their major functions. Gyanda Linka is said to contain unmarked graves believed to be those of foreigners who came to preach Islam to Tibet. Kygasha was mainly used by Muslims of Chinese origin.

The above privileges were contained in a written document provided to the Tibetan Muslim community by the Tibetan government. These privileges were enjoyed until Chinese occupation of Tibet in 1959.

Tibetan Muslims confined themselves mainly to trade and commerce. Hardly any of them indulged in fanning. As the community grew, Madrasas (primary schools) were set up in which children were taught about Islam, the Koran and the method of offering namaz (prayers). Urdu language was also part of the curriculum. There were two such Madrasas in Lhasa and one in Shigatse.

After finishing their stuthes in these Madrasas, students were sent to India to join Islamic institutes of higher learning such as Darul-U1oom in Deoband, Nadwatul-U1ema in Lucknow and Jamia Millia Islamia in New Delhi. The annual report of Darul-U1oom for the year 1875 mention the presence of two foreign students there: a Burmese and a Tibetan. Jamia Millia Islamia received its first batch of Tibetan students in 1945.

In those days, transportation within Tibet was a problem. Students were sent along with Muslim merchants making their annuals trip to India. This took months as they had walk or ride on yaks for most of the way. Therefore, once the students got admitted to institution in India, they usually did not return to Tibet until the completion of a stage of their education.

Quite a few Tibetan Muslims have successfully completed their stuthes in India, with many being well versed in Arabic, Urdu and Persian. The most famous among them could be Faidhullah who undertook the ambitious task of translating into Tibetan Gulestan and Boastan, Persian poetry of Sheik Sadi. Faidhullah’s is well known among Tibetans for his popular book aphorism Khache Phalu (few words of advices from a Muslim). Even today, Tibetans continue to quote from his book, (an English translation of Khache Phaluh as been done by Dr. Dawa Norbu and published by the Library of Tibetan Works & Archives).

Tibetan Muslims were able to preserve their community’s identity while at the same time absorbing their traditional Tibetan social and cultural traditions. They elected a Ponj committee to look after their affairs. The Tibetan government approved the formation of this committee and gave it a free hand to undertake its activities and to decide on matters concerning the Tibetan Muslim community. Tibetan Muslims have also made significant contribution to Tibetan culture, particularly in the field of music. Nangma, a popular c1assica1 music of Tibet, is said to have been brought to Tibet by Tibetan Muslims. In fact, the very term Nangma is believed to be a corruption of the Urdu word Naghma meaning song. These high-pitched tilting songs, developed in Tibet around the turn of the Century, were a craze in Lhasa with musical hits by Acha Izzat, Bhai Akbar-la and Oulam Mehdi on the lips of almost everyone.

After the Tibetan National Uprising of 1959 His Holiness the Dalai Lama went into-exile in India followed by a significant number of Tibetans. However, a majority of Tibetan Muslims, particularly those residing in Lhasa, could go out of Tibet only a year later. In between they had to suffer extortion, terrorism and cruelty under the hands of Chinese occupation forces, like their fellow Tibetans. During this critical period, Tibetan Muslims organised themselves. They approached the Indian mission in Lhasa to claim for Indian citizenship, referring to their Kashmiri ancestry, to escape Chinese tyranny. Mr. P.N.Kaul was the head of the Indian mission then. At that time, the head of the Ponj of Tibetan Muslims was Haji Habibullah Shamo. He was, however , under Chinese detention along with other leaders like Bhai Addul Gani-la;.Rapse Hamidullah, Abdua1 Ahad Hajj, Abdul Qadir Jami and HajiAbdul Gani Thapsha under various charges. While Bhai Abdu1 Gani-la was charged with the putting up of anti-Chinese posters, Rapse Hamidullah was arrested on account of his connection with a senior Tibetan official. The initial response of the Indian Government was lukewarm. It said only those whose Permanent domicile remained in the state of Jammu & Kashmir and who visited India from time to time, whose parents or one of whose grandparents were born in undivided India, are potential citizens of India”, and it would , only accept them. But some time later, in later 1959, the Indian Government suddenly came out with the statement that all Tibetan Muslims were Indian nationals, and started distributing application forms for Indian nationality among them.

Chinese illtreatment of Tibetan Muslims continued Chinese authorities duped Tibetan Muslims into selling their property to them in return for the freedom to emigrate to any Muslim country. Seeing this as a possible way of saving their religion and culture, many Tibetan Muslims willingly parted with their property. But having acquired these property, 1ibetan Muslims were not allowed to emigrate. Instead, restrictions were imposed, and a social boycott declared. Nobody was allowed to sell food to Tibetan Muslims. Many old and weak Tibetan Muslims as well as children thed of starvation.

Those Tibetan Muslims who were able to cross over into India in the border towns of Kalimpong, Darjeeling and Gangtok in late 1959 gradually moved to Kashmir , their ancestral homeland from 1961 to 1964. They were accommodated in three huge buildings in Idd-Gah in Srlnagar by the Indian Government. At that time, His Holiness the Dalai Lama had sent his Representative to inquire about the conditions of Tibetan Muslims.

During the first two decades of their life in exile, Tibetan Muslims attempted to rebuild and re-organise themselves. Lack of proper guidance and leadership proved to be an obstacle in their development. Also, housing in Idd Gah was inadequate to meet the requirements of a growing family. In the process, Tibetan Muslims began to scatter, emigrating to Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Nepal as well as moving to other parts of India in search of better opportunity .

His Holiness the Dalai Lama continued to keep in touch with the situation of Tibetan Muslims. Knowing their problems, His Holiness, during his visit to Srinagar in 1975, took up the matter with the Chief Minister of Jammu & Kashmir. He also encouraged the formation of the Tibetan Muslim Refugee Welfare Association. This Association began to chalk out projects for the economic and educational upliftment of Tibetan Muslims. With an initial financial assistance by His Holiness, coupled with assistance received, later from Tibet Fund, New York, a handicraft centre, a co-operative shop and a school were established. A group of young Tibetan Muslims were given training in Carpet making in Dharamsala.

The Association was able to get some land for resettlement. Saudi Arabia provided funds for the construction of 144 houses and a mosque in the new settlement. Construction was completed in 1985 and the houses distributed among the people. Not all people could be accommodated and some continued to reside in the old settlement.

A primary school had been started in 1975 in a rented building to provide modern as well as traditional education to Tibetan Muslim children. Although the school was shifted to a comparatively better place in the new settlement, it still faces problems: it is run on donations and does not have a separate compound. However, some students are being sent to Central Schools for Tibetans elsewhere in India. To date, 22 Tibetan Muslim children have been admitted to Central School for Tibetans in Shimla and Dalhousie in Himachal Pradesh state.

The Association has eight office bearers who look after the affairs of the community . There is a Tibetan Muslim Youth Association which plays an important role in social upliftment of the community . This youth association is in contact with the Tibetan Youth Congress. The Department of Health in Dharamsala has set up a primary health care centre to look after the medical needs of the settlers.

Nothing much is known of the present condition of Tibetan Muslims inside Tibet. According to one report there are around 3000 Tibetan Muslims and around 20,000 Chinese Muslims. Since the opening up of Tibet, some Tibetan Mus1ims outside Tibet have been able to visit the country while quite a few have also come out.

The total population of Tibetan Muslims outside Tibet is around 2000. Of them, 20 to 25 families live in Nepal, 20 in the Gulf countries and Turkey. Fifty families reside in Darjeeling-Kalimpong areas bordering Tibet in eastern India. Tibetan Muslims in Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Nepal have a joint Tibetan Muslim Welfare Association based in Kalimpong. Its present general secretary is Mr. Amanulla Chisti. During His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s visit to Darjeeling in April l993. Tibetan Muslims there dressed in their traditional garments participated in a ceremony. There are around 1200 Tibetans in the new settlement in Srinagar consisting of 210 families.

Tibetans in general have suffered greatly under Chinese occupation. Tibetan Muslims have undergone great mental and physical strain on account of their peculia situation. They continue to look upon their Muslim brethren throughout the world to support peaceful solution of the Tibetan problem so that the, too, like their Tibetan Buddhist brethren, can return to their homeland. When asked whether he would return to Tibet in the even of a solution, a young Tibetan Muslim responded, “It is better to live under the bridge in one’s own homeland than be a refugee in an alien land.”

copy of press brief of Panun Kashmir Movement

The Panun Kashmir Movement (PKM) expresses deep concern over the recent developments that took place for the last two months within and outside the state of Jammu and Kashmir. It is noteworthy that the government of India has taken some measures relating to the tackling of the menace of terrorism in India as a semblance of its response to the terror plans unleashed by the terror structures within and outside the country. While the government of India is persistently asking Pakistan to hand over the agents and forces responsible for terrorism in Mumbai so that they are brought to justice, it is strange that the State of India has failed to bring to justice the perpetrators of terrorism and genocide of the minorities in Kashmir. The advocates of Islamic terrorism have already built political and other important structures around the core of terrorism and communal apartheid in Kashmir and continue to monopolize the socio-political sphere in one form or the other. The Kashmiri Pandit community has been cautioning the nation about terrorism in Kashmir and its fall-out on the nation over the last two decades. Kashmir continues to be the gateway of terrorism in India and the terror attacks in the rest of India should not be seen or tackled in isolation. The contours of terrorism and its fundamentalist ideology can be ignored only at the peril of the national interests and the security of the people of the Indian nation.

The issues of return and resettlement of the Kashmiri Pandit community in Kashmir are the most important political issues for the community and the nation. Any linkage of this political issue with the issues of livelihood is tantamount to exploiting the miseries of the people living in exile. There can be no relationship between the resettlement of the community in Kashmir with the employment of its youth. Such a linkage is not only a direct human rights violation of the people living in exile but a stark attack on the dignity of the community as a whole. The Kashmiri Pandit community has already rejected the return packages announced earlier by the successive governments. Employing coercive methods to implement the so-called return plan by the authorities will always prove counter-productive and face a very stiff opposition and revolt by the community. Terrorism is much bigger an issue than being a state subject, it is an issue of national concern. Since Kashmiri Pandits are the victims of terrorism, the State government cannot unilaterally decide their issue of resettlement. Unless the factors responsible for the ethnic cleansing and exodus of the community from Kashmir are reversed and the terror structures completely destroyed, talk of return is simply obnoxious. Kashmiri Pandits have already made known to the world their desire to resettle in Kashmir once Homeland with free flow of Indian constitution for them is established on the north and east of river Jehlum in Kashmir. The PKM is deeply committed to this cause of the community. We also express our deep resolve to remain united and firm on this issue with all those who have their faith in and commitment to Margdarshan Resolution of 1991 which has withstood the test of time since its inception.

Jammu and Kashmir election results

JAMMU, Dec 28: As expected, the 11th Assembly of the State threw a fractured mandate with no party being able to garner even a simple majority in the House of 87 which saw National Conference emerging as a single largest party winning 28 seats followed by PDP which captured 21.

The Congress suffered major reverses especially in Jammu region where its all Cabinet Ministers and even a sitting Lok Sabha member lost the election reducing the party’s tally of 31 at the time of dissolution of House to just 17. The BJP gained at the expense of Congress jumping from just one seat in the 10th Assembly to a tally of 11, the majority of which (10) came from just two districts of Jammu (7) and Kathua (3).

The National Panthers Party (NPP) lost one seat and came down to a tally of three from four seats it held in the last Assembly. Former Minister Harshdev Singh, who had revolutionised education sector during first three years of coalition Government as an Education Minister, made a hat-trick in Ramnagar winning the seat by a huge margin of 12042 votes. However, NPP supremo, Prof Bhim Singh forfeited his security deposit in Jammu East.

Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which had contested second highest number of 83 seats behind 85 of NC, failed to open its account. The BSP had won four seats in 1996 and one in 2002. However, BSP’s lone MLA from Vijaypur, Manjit Singh had later defected to PDP. Other major national and regional parties, which couldn’t open their account, were Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), Samajwadi Party (SP), Jammu State Morcha (Progressive), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and Bharatiya Bahujan Party (BBP).

Out of all 87 results declared by this evening, NC won 28 seats including 20 in Kashmir, 6 in Jammu and 2 in Kargil while PDP emerged second major group in the Assembly capturing 21 seats—19 in Kashmir and 2 in Jammu region. The PDP opened its account in Jammu winning Mendhar and Darhal seats as last time it had drawn blank.

The Congress won 17 seats, 14 less than the tally of 31 it held in the dissolved House. Out of 17 seats of Congress, 13 came from Jammu region, three from Kashmir and one from Leh. Congress had won 20 seats in 2002 but it wrested Poonch seat from NC in by election. Eleven Independent Candidates had joined Congress and 9 of them had been fielded again by the party.

The BJP, which was major beneficiary in the Assembly election reached two digit mark for the first time since its inception in 1982 as it won 11 seats but its tally was mainly confined to just three districts—7 in Jammu, 3 in Kathua and 1 in Reasi. The BJP had recorded its previous best tally of 8 in 1996. It had drawn blank in 1983, won only two seats in 1987 and one in 2002.

Mohd Yusuf Tarigami (CPM), Ghulam Hassan Mir (JKDP-N) and Hakim Mohd Yasin (PDF) opened account for their parties in Kashmir.

Four Independent candidates emerged victorious—two in Jammu and one each in Kashmir and Leh. They include fire brand Jammu leader, Ashwani Sharma, who recorded a thumping victory in Bishnah for second consecutive time and bureaucrat turned politician Charanjit Singh Jasrotia, who left behind former Minister Babu Singh and sitting Congress MP Lal Singh, to win Kathua seat. Abdul Rashid Sheikh (Langet in Kashmir) and Tsetan Namgayal (LUTF, Nobra) were other two Independent winners.

Leader of Opposition in 10th Assembly and prominent NC leader Abdul Rahim Rather created a history of sorts by becoming only first political leader in the State to record sixth consecutive victory from Charar-e-Sharief segment in Budgam district. He had won all Assembly polls from Charar-e-Sharief since 1977. Earlier, former Congress leader, Girdhari Lal Dogra held the record of five straight victories from Hiranagar from 1957 to 1977.

Former Chief Minister and Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad recorded highest victory margin of 29,436 in Bhaderwah segment, which he had won with 58,000 polls in 2006 by-election after taking over as Chief Minister of the State on November 2, 2005. In Kashmir, NC leader and former Deputy Speaker Mohd Akbar Lone recorded highest victory margin of 12,000 in Sonawari.

Three women made entry into the Assembly, all from Kashmir region. They include PDP president Mehbooba Mufti (Wachi), Sakina Itoo (Noorabad) and Shamima Firdous (Habbakadal), both NC.

The BJP and Congress had fielded two women candidates each in Jammu region and all four lost. They were Suman Bhagat, former Minister (RS Pura) and Kanta Andotra (Basohli), both Congress, who were members of previous Assembly and Satwant Kour Dogra (Samba) and Shilpi Verma (Bishnah), both BJP. The NC had not fielded any woman candidate in Jammu.

As the BJP virtually swept Jammu and Kathua districts in Jammu region winning 10 out of 16 seats at the stake, benefiting mainly due to 62 days long Amarnath land agitation, several bigwigs of Congress including all Cabinet Ministers from Jammu region and a sitting MP were sent biting the dust.

Former Deputy Chief Minister and Congress veteran Mangat Ram Sharma, a five time MLA, several time Minister, Speaker and MP was relegated to third place in Jammu West. Another Cabinet Minister in Congress led coalition Government, Gulchain Singh Charak finished third in Bishnah while Jugal Kishore (Reasi), Mula Ram (Raipur Domana), Suman Bhagat (RS Pura) and Lal Singh (Kathua) were all defeated with huge margins. Lal Singh, who is presently a Lok Sabha member from Udhampur-Doda Lok Sabha seat and was a Cabinet Minister in PDP led coalition Government, was pushed to fifth place in Kathua. Lal Singh’s wife, Kanta Andotra was defeated by the BJP in Basohli, a seat held Lal Singh for two terms and Kanta for the third term.

Ministers of State from Congress in previous coalition including Gharu Ram (Suchetgarh), Dr Romesh Sharma (Nowshera), Prem Sagar Aziz (Bani) and Puran Singh (Darhal) lost the election. Another MoS Babu Singh (Congress rebel) lost in Kathua.

Despite the BJP surge, Speaker Tara Chand (Chhamb), Raman Bhalla (Gandhi Nagar), Sham Sharma (Akhnoor) and Dr Manohar Lal Sharma (Billawar) kept the Congress flag high in Jammu and Kathua districts winning their seats.

BJP suffered a major setback when its former State president Dr Nirmal Singh was defeated in Gandhi Nagar by Mr Bhalla with 2263 votes though the party managed to win two other City seats where its incumbent president Ashok Khajuria (City East) and former Union Minister Prof Chaman Lal Gupta (City West) won with comfortable margins. Another prominent BJP leader Pawan Gupta lost Udhampur seat to NPP candidate Balwant Singh Mankotia.

The NC made a clean sweep of all eight seats in Srinagar district.

Prominent NC leaders, who lost the election in Jammu region, were Ajatshatru Singh (Nagrota), who went down to BJP’s Jugal Kishore for second consecutive term, Ajay Sadhotra, provincial president (Marh), who too lost to BJP and Khalid Najeeb Suhrawardhy (Doda), who was defeated by Abdul Mujeed Wani (Congress) for second time.

Surjeet Singh Slathia (Vijaypur) and Radhey Shyam Sharma (Nowshera) staged a comeback for the NC having won the election in 1996 and lost in 2002. While Mr Slathia defeated BJP’s strong contender Chander Prakash Ganga, Mr Sharma overcame the challenge from Congress nominee Dr Romesh Sharma to win the seat.

Doda belt comprising six districts including Azad’s Bhaderwah sided with the Congress giving the party five seats leaving only one for the NC. The BJP drew a blank. The Congress candidates who won in Doda belt were Azad (Bhaderwah), Abdul Mujeed Wani (Doda), Ghulam Mohd Saroori (Inderwal), Ashok Kumar (Ramban) and Waqar Rasool (Banihal). NC could manage to win only Kishtwar seat with party leader Sajjad Ahmed Kitchloo keeping the party flag high retaining the seat for second consecutive term.

Out of 11 seats in Jammu district, seven went to BJP, three to Congress and one to an Independent while NC drew a blank. NC had won four seats in Jammu district in 1996. Out of two seats in Samba district, one each was won by NC and NPP. Of five seats in Kathua district, BJP captured three while one each was grabbed by Congress and an Independent.

Udhampur district again sided with the NPP which won two out of three seat while one segment went to Congress. Out of three seats in Reasi district, one each went went to BJP, Congress and NC. Similarly, out of three seats in Poonch district, one each went to NC, PDP and Congress while out of four seats in Rajouri district, two went to NC and one each to PDP and Congress.

Prominent losers in Kashmir include People’s Democratic Party (PDP) stalwarts Qazi Mohammad Afzal (Ganderbal), Tariq Hamid Qarra (Batmaloo), Abdul Aziz Zargar (Noorabad) and Dillawar Mir (Rafiabad). All the four PDP leaders lost to their National Conference rivals.

In Jammu East, BJP’s Ashok Khajuria polled 15,857 votes and defeated Congress nominee Narender Singh Raju by 10,404 votes. Raju got 5453 votes while Independent Sanjay Mahay, a Corporator in JMC, got 3473 votes. A total of 31,262 votes had been polled in City East. BJP wrested the seat from Congress.

In Jammu City West, out of a total of 85,013 votes polled, BJP leader Prof Chaman Lal Gupta, a former Union Minister and three time MP secured 34,288 votes followed by Independent candidate Surinder Singh Shingari who got 21,251 votes. Congress veteran Mangat Ram Sharma got only 13,853 votes and finished third. Gupta won by a margin of 13037 votes. BJP wrested the seat from Congress.

Gandhi Nagar was only constituency in Jammu City which went to the Congress. Out of 90,161 votes polled, Congress stalwart Raman Bhalla got 33,486 votes while former State BJP chief Dr Nirmal Singh took 31,223 votes. NC candidate Tarlochan Singh Wazir, MLC took 18,935 votes. Bhalla retained the seat by a margin of 2263 votes.

BJP leader Jugal Kishore recorded second straight victory in Nagrota over Ajatshatru Singh, the scion of erstwhile rulers of the State. Out of a total of 47,948 votes polled, Kishore secured 11,141 votes and won the seat by 1620 votes. Ajatshatru got 9521 votes while PDF’s Sobat Ali took 7817 votes.

Prominent Jammu leader Ashwani Sharma again emerged champion in Bishnah seat for a second term despite the fact that several candidates were pitted against him from Bishnah town to defeat him. Sharma, however, overcame all challenged and polled 14006 out of a total of 60,515 votes. His nearest rival Kamal Arora got 13,560 votes while Congress leader and former Cabinet Minister Gulchain Singh Charak finished third taking just 8155 votes.

RS Pura (Reserve) seat was also won by BJP’s newcomer, Dr Garu Bhagat, a Professor in SKUAST Jammu, who polled 15,902 votes out of a total of 52,326 votes. His nearest rival and former Congress Minister Suman Bhagat got 14,272 cotes while NC leader Romesh Motton secured 11,929 votes. Dr Garu wrested the seat from Congress by 1630 votes.

Sham Choudhary (BJP) recorded an impressive victory margin of 7592. Out of 45,476 votes polled, Choudhary got 17,995 while NC leader Taranjit Singh Tony managed 10,403. Congress candidates and former Minister Choudhary Garu Ram was relegated to third spot polling only 6545 votes. BJP wrested the seat from Congress.

BJP’s Choudhary Sukhnandan won from Marh by a margin of 6581 votes. While Sukhnandan polled 18,368 votes, NC leader and former Minister Ajay Sadhotra got 11,787 votes. Independent and Congress rebel Balwant Singh took 9207 votes. BJP wrested the seat from NC.

Newcomer in BJP Bharat Bushan defeated Congress stalwart and former Minister Mula Ram by 12,312 votes. Bushan polled 28,685 votes while Mula Ram got 16,373 votes. NC’s Sat Pal Lakhotra finished third with 6333 votes. BJP wrested the seat from Congress.

Speaker Tara Chand won Chhamb seat for third consecutive term polling 25,335 votes out of a total of 51,789 votes polls. His immediate BJP rival Chaman Lal Kanaithia for 22,940 votes. Tara Chand retained the seat by 2395 votes.

Sham Sharma (Congress) polled 31,600 votes and won the seat by 13,884 votes. His BJP rival Govind Ram Sharma took 17716 votes while BSP’s Vijay Kumar had 6668 votes. Congress retained the seat.

In Samba district, Samba seat was retained by NPP’s Yashpal Kundal, a former Minister by 1989 votes. Kundal polled 14,631 votes while BJP’s Satwant Kour Dogra got 12,642 votes. Subash Bhagat (Congress) took 10,714 votes, Som Nath (BSP) took 6647 votes and NC’s Som Nath Manyal got 6361 votes. A total of 53,900 votes were polled in Samba.

In Vijaypur segment, NC’s Surjit Singh Slathia won the seat by 1212 votes defeating BJP’s popular leader Chander Prakash Ganga. Slathia had won the seat in 1996 but lost to BSP’s Manjit Singh in 2002. Manjit had later joined PDP. Votes polled by prominent candidates in Vijaypur include Slathia (21,090), Ganga (19,878), Manjit Singh, PDP (12,445), Rajesh Pargotra, NPP (11,054), Hari Singh, Congress (1376), Jarnail Singh, BSP (1066) and Sat Pal, BBP (6091).

In Kathua, Independent Charanjit Singh Jasrotia bagged 19,123 votes and won the seat by 2362 votes. Votes polled by other noted candidates in Kathua include Som Raj Majotra (BSP, 16761), Babu Singh (Independent, 10,887), Prof Sain Dass (BJP, 7913) and Lal Singh (Congress, 6053). A total of 74070 votes were polled in Kathua.

Out of 64680 votes polled in Hiranagar, BJP’s Durga Dass got 19,633 votes followed by BJP revel and Independent Prem Lal, who got 16,881 votes. Congress candidate Girdhari Lal Chalotra finished third with 14,011 votes.

Congress candidate Dr Manohar Lal Sharma retained Billawar seat by 8329 votes. He polled 22,137 votes followed by Satish Sharma, BJP (13808), Romy Khajuria, NC (9363), Balbir Singh, Independent and Congress rebel (6352) and Pankaj Dogra, Independent and Congress rebel (3800). A total of 64,680 votes were polled in Billawar.

Out of 23,903 votes polled in Bani, BJP’s Lal Chand took 10,936 while NC’s Ghulam Haider Malik got 8663. Congress candidate and former Minister Prem Sagar Aziz was pushed to third spot with 4462 votes. Lal Chand won by 2273 votes.

BJP’s Jagdish Sapolia finally emerged victorious from Basohli after having lost three elections consecutively. He got 16,651 votes out of a total of 47,235 votes polled. NC’s Devinder Singh Bindhu secured 13,770 votes while Lal Singh’s wife, Kanta Andotra finished third with 13,381 votes.

In Reasi district, BJP’s Baldev Raj Sharma emerged victorious after losing twice in 1996 and 2002. He defeated Congress leader and former Cabinet Minister in Azad Government, Jugal Kishore by 6665 votes. Baldev polled 26,031 votes while Kishore got 19,369 votes. NC candidate and former Minister Jagjivan Lal took 15,653 votes. BJP wrested the seat from Congress.

Gool-Arnas seat was retained by Congress when former Minister Aijaz Khan defeated NC’s Ghulam Qadar Mughal by a margin of 3452 votes. Aijaz polled 15,594 votes while Mughal got 12,142 votes. BJP’s Kabla Singh finished third with 8204 votes.

NC candidate Abdul Gani Malik won Gulabgarh seat for a third term polling 14,268 votes. His Independent rival Mumtaz Ahmed, brother of Aijaz Khan, got 11,020 votes. Malik won by 3248 votes.

In Udhampur district, NPP strongman and former Minister, Harshdev Singh scored a hat-trick in Ramnagar winning the seat by a huge margin of 12,042 votes. Harshdev secured 30,439 votes while his immediate rival Vinod Khajuria of BSP got 18,397 followed by Congress rebel RS Pathania 9254, Thakur Dass (Congress) 1489 and Rakesh Anthal (BJP) 825. A total of 64,598 votes were polled in Ramnagar.

NPP leader Balwant Singh Mankotia retained Udhampur proper defeating BJP’s Pawan Gupta by 2770 votes. Mankotia polled 25,259 votes while Pawan got 22,489 votes. Brij Mohan Sharma of Congress got 10,617 votes and BSP’s Dhanni Ram Atri polled 6571 votes. A total of 71,074 votes were polled in Udhampur.

Out of 45,788 votes polled in Chenani, Congress winner Krishan Chander Bhagat secured 16,276 votes followed by BJP’s Dina Nath Bhagat, who took 9838 votes while NPP candidate Faquir Nath got 9131 votes. Congress wrested the seat from NPP with 6438 votes.

In Bhaderwah segment of Doda district, Congress leader and former Chief Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad polled 38,238 votes to retain the seat while Daya Krishan Kotwal (BJP) got 8802 votes, Aslam Goni (NC) 6687 votes and Sheikh Mujeeb (PDP) took 2807 votes. Azad won the seat by 29,436 votes.

Doda proper was also retained by Congress candidate and former Minister Abdul Mujeed Wani who secured 23,254 votes while his NC rival Khalid Najeeb Suhrawardhy had 16,102 votes. BJP’s Ishtiyaq Wani took 2756 votes while PDP candidate got 1310 votes. Wani won by a margin of 7152 votes.

In Kishtwar district, NC candidate Sajjad Kitchloo retained Kishtwar seat by 2465 votes defeating his nearest rival Sunil Sharma of BJP. Out of 51,106 votes polled, Kitchloo took 19,248 votes while Sharma got 16,783. PDP candidate Syed Asgar Ali could muster only 10,403 votes while Congress candidate Jugal Bhandari managed 1121 votes.

Inderwal seat was also retained by Congress candidate and former Minister Ghulam Mohd Saroori by a margin of 10,411 votes. Out of 52,904 votes polled, Saroori took 22,682 while BJP candidate Shakti Parihar polled 12,269 and NC’s Karim Wani managed 9002.

Congress candidate Waqar Rasool won Banihal seat in Ramban district taking 8287 votes and defeating Independent candidate Showkat Daing by 3033 votes. Daing got 5254 votes while former MLA Banihal Moulvi Abdul Rashid secured 4960 votes. NC’s Sajjad Shaheen had 4558 votes.

Ramban seat also went to Congress with its candidate Ashok Kumar polling 21,779 votes, BJP’s Bali Bhagat 11,460 votes and NC’s Chaman Lal 11,395 votes. Chaman Lal was MLA in the previous Assembly. Congress won the seat by 10,319 votes.

In Poonch district, Poonch-Haveli seat went to NC’s Aijaz Jan, who polled 28,297 votes out of a total of 71,414 votes polled. Congress candidate Bashir Naz took 18,364 votes, PDP’s Imtiyaz Bandey got 11,950 votes while BJP’s Pardeep Sharma polled 6980 votes. Jan won the seat by nearly 10,000 votes.

Former PCC (I) chief and ex-Rajya Sabha member, Choudhary Aslam won Surankote seat after losing twice to NC’s Syed Mushtaq Bukhari. While Aslam managed 28,102 votes, Bukhari took 26,051 votes. PDP candidate Mumtaz Hussain Shah, a cousin of Bukhari took 6585 votes out of a total of 63,553 votes polled. Aslam won the seat by nearly 2200 votes.

NC leader Javed Rana lost in Mendhar to PDP’s Rafiq Hussain Khan by about 750 votes. While Rana polled 28,294 votes, Khan took 29,036 votes. Congress candidate Majeed Ahmed Khan polled 1559 votes only out of a total of 77,378 votes polled. PDP wrested the seat from NC.

In Rajouri district, Congress candidate Shabir Khan registered victory by 333 votes over PDP candidate Master Tassaduq Hussain. While Khan polled 10,013 votes, Tassaduq took 9680 votes. BJP’s Vibodh Gupta finished third at 8712 votes. Congress wrested the seat from NC.

Darhal seat went to PDP candidate Zulfikar Ali who polled 19,395 votes and defeated Independent Iqbal Malik (14,839 votes) by a margin of 4556 votes. NC candidate Choudhary Liaquat got 14,221 votes and Congress nominee and former Minister Puran Singh mustered only 12,500 votes. PDP wrested the seat from Congress.

NC leader RS Sharma recorded impressive victory in Nowshera by 3820 votes over Congress candidate and former Minister Dr Romesh Sharma. NC leader polled 16,511 votes while Congress candidate got 12,691 votes. BSP candidate Surinder Choudhary polled 12,186 votes while BJP’s Vishwinder Dev finished fourth at 11,701 votes. NC wrested the seat from Congress.

NC candidate Rashpal Singh retained Kalakote seat by 11,420 votes. He polled 25,314 votes while Congress rebel and Independent candidate Ashok Sharma got 13,894 votes. PDP candidate polled 7742 votes while Congress candidate Abdul Gani Kohli got 1077 votes.

In Kargil district, NC’s Qamar Ali Akhoon won Kargil seat defeating Independent Haji Nissar Ali, backed by Congress with nearly 3000 votes. Akhoon polled 22,935 votes while Haji got 17,635 votes. In Zanskar, NC’s Feroz Khan won by 918 votes. He secured 6552 votes while Congress candidate Ghulam Raza took 5634 votes.

In Leh district, Congress candidate and former Minister Nawang Rigzin Jora defeated sitting MP from Ladakh and LUTF nominee Thupstan Chewang by 1523 votes. Jora polled 19,008 votes while Chewang got 17,485 votes. In Nobra, LUTF candidate Tsetan Namgayal got 4608 votes while Congress candidate Tsewang Rigzin took 3778 votes. Tsetan won by 930 votes.

Qazi Afzal, who had defeated Omar Abdullah in 2002 polls, lost the Ganderbal constituency this time to the NC chief by a huge margin of 3,600 votes.

Similarly Tariq Qarra, who had entered into the Assembly in 2004 by-polls, was defeated by Irfan Ahmad Shah of National Conference.

Sakina Itoo made it to the Assembly from Noorabad constituency by defeating Zargar, who had won the earlier duel in 2002.

In the battle of rebels, PDP rebel Javaid Ahmad Dar, contesting on NC ticket, prevailed over National Conference rebel Mohammad Dillawar Mir, who had defected to PDP in 2005.

Usman Majid, Congress-backed Independent from Bandipora who was a Minister both in the Mufti Mohammad Sayeed-led Government as well as Ghulam Nabi Azad-led dispensation, lost to PDP general secretary and MLC Nizamuddin Bhat.

Former Minister Ghulam Hassan Khan, who was contesting as an Independent candidate from Shopian constituency after he was denied ticket by PDP, lost to his PDP rival.

National Conference provincial president Dr Mehboob Beg was also among the prominent losers as he lost to former Chief Minister and PDP patron Mufti Mohammad Sayeed from Anantnag constituency by a margin of over 5000 votes.

Mustafa Kamal, younger brother of NC patron Farooq Abdullah, lost to Ghulam Hassan Mir, a PDP rebel who had floated his own party before the seven-phased elections.

Former Minister Haji Nissar Ali, who was backed as an Independent candidate by Congress, lost by 3000 votes to his National Conference rival Qamar Ali Akhoon.

Abdul Rashid Shaheen of National Conference, Lok Sabha member from Baramulla constituency, was defeated by PDP leader Moulvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari while another Lok Sabha member, Thupstan Chewang, who represents Leh Parliamentary seat, lost to former Minister Nawang Rigzin Jora of Congress by about 1500 votes.

The NC and PDP improved their position in the Kashmir region at the cost of Congress, CPI(M) and Independents.

Against 19 seats in 2002, the NC has improved by three seats while PDP won 19 seats against 16 in 2002.

However, the NC suffered a loss of one seat in North Kashmir where a total 15 seats were at stake. Against winning 8 seats in 2002, the party could won from seven seats this time.

PDP, however, improved winning five seats against three in 2002 while Congress could manage to get only one seat this time against two in 2002. The others retained two seats.

In South Kashmir, the NC got one seat this time against 2 in 2002. However, PDP improved by three seats as it had won nine in 2002 against 12 this time. But again Congress won two against three seats in 2002 while Communist Party of India (M) retained one and lost another.

Similarly, NC won two seats in Ladakh region, an improvement by one seat while Congress won one against zero in 2002. Only one Independent won against three in 2002 in the region.

The NC registered a major gain in Central Kashmir winning 12 seats against 8 in 2002. It made a clean sweep in Srinagar district winning all the eight seats this time against four in 2002.

The PDP lost one as against three seats in 2002 as it could get just two this time. Peoples Democratic Front retained one seat while all the three Independents lost this time.

The oldest political party of the State was particularly bouyed by the fact that both Patron Farooq Abdullah and president Omar Abdullah won the three seats they were contesting.

Abdullah senior, defeated PDP rivals from Hazratbal as well as Sonawar constituencies while his son Omar got his revenege this time by winning in Ganderbal Assembly constituency.

Ali Mohammad Sagar of National Conference was elected to the State Assembly for the fifth consecutive time. He won from Khanyar constituency for the third straight time. He had earlier won from Batamaloo in 1987 and 1983 elections.

Mubarak Gul of National Conference also made it three times in a row from Iddgah constituency while Shamima Firdous of the same party romped home a clear winner in Habbakadal constituency by defeating BJP candidate Hiralal Chatta by more than 2000 votes. Firdous, had lost to Raman Mattoo in 2002 elections.

NC leader Peer Mohammad Afaq defeated former MLA Shahejehan Dar of the PDP in Zadibal constituency.

However, the surprise package from the National Conference was Nasir Aslam Wani, who won from Amirakadal seat, proving all his critics wrong. Wani, who hailed from Sogam area in Kupwara district, overcame stiff challenge from PDP candidate Pervaiz Ahmad Bhat, Ahmreen Badar of Congress, and JKANC vice president Muzaffar Shah besides putting to rest the outsider-native debate that had raged in the constituency during the campaign.

In Kangan constituency, Mian Mohammad Altaf of NC was declared elected for the fourth straight time while Mohamamd Ashraf Ganaie wrested from Congress the Sopore seat.

Former Deputy Speaker Mohammad Akbar Lone (NC) retained his Sonwari seat by a huge margin of over 12,000 votes while Nazir Ahmad Khan, Kafilur Rehman and Mir Saifullah (all NC) scored hattrick from Gurez, Karnah and Kupwara seats respectively.

However, the National Conference suffered setbacks in Lolab and Langate Assembly constituencies where PDP leader Abdul Haq Khan and Independent Abdul Rashid Shiekh defeated its candidates. The losers from these two seats were Qaiser Jamsheed Lone and Shariefuddin Shariq respectively.

Although PDP consolidated its gains made in 2002 polls by adding five more seats to its tally of 16 this year, the party suffered some shock defeats at the hands of National Conference. PDP stalwart and former Minister Tariq Hamid Qarra lost to Irfan Shah in Batamaloo segment while another former Minister of the party Dilawar Mir was defeated by PDP rebel and NC candidate Javaid Ahmad Dar in Rafiabad segment.

Abdul Aziz Zargar also lot his Noorabad seat to National Conference’s Sakina Ittoo.

However, the party made a clean sweep of Pulwama and Shopian districts, bagging all the six seats. The party also did well in Anantnag and Kulgam districts.

Party patron Mufti Mohammad Sayeed defeated NC provincial president Mehboob Beg in Anantnag constituency while PDP president Mehbooba Mufti won comfortably from Wacchi constituency.

Sartaj Madni, Abdul Gaffar Sofi, Abdul Rehman Bhat Veeri, Syed Bashir and Mohammad Khalil Bandh all retained Devsar, Homshalibugh, Bijbehara, Rajpora and Pulwama seats respectively for the PDP.

The party, which did not give mandate to former Minister Ghulam Hassan Khan from Shopian as his name had figured in 2006 sex scandal investigations, fielded Abdul Razaq Wagay, who won by a comfortable margin.

In Budgam district the two parties shared the spoils as both bagged two seats each while the remaining seat went to People’s Democratic Front (PDF) chairman Hakim Mohammad Yasin.

Abdul Rahim Rather of National Conference prevailed over Legislative Council Chairman G N Lone of PDP in Chrar-e-Sharief. Rather won the seat for the record sixth time, having won all the elections since 1977. Aga Syed Roohullah retained his Budgam seat by defeated PDP leader M. Kamaal Mir.

The PDP won from Chadoora where Javid Mustafa Mir won ahead of National Conference candidate Ali Mohammad Dar and Congress candidate G N Mir. The party also won from Beerwah as Shafi Ahmad prevailed over the competition by a slender margin 164 votes.

Hakim Yasin had fallen behind PDP’s Saifuddin Bhat, a Hurriyat Conference deserter, but in the end prevailed.

The NC and PDP prospered in the Valley at the cost of Congress as the party managed to retain only three of the five seats it had won in 2002 elections.

Ghulam Ahmad Mir, despite being arrested in the sex scandal case in 2006, managed to retain his Dooru seat as did Peerzada Mohammad Sayeed from Kokernag, who was himself embroiled in many controversies a year ahead of the elections.

Taj Mohiuddin retained the Uri seat for the party but Sopore and Amirakadal constituencies went to National Conference.

Mohammad Yousuf Tarigami of CPI(M) won the Kulgam seat for the third time in a row but Mohammad Khalil Naik, who had won from Wacchi in 2002, lost this time.

Ghulam Hassan Mir, a PDP rebel who floated Democratic Nationalist Party ahead of elections, won from Gulmarg seat, defeating PDP candidate Ghulam Mohiuddin Sheikh and Mustafa Kamal, National Conference leader and brother of Farooq Abdullah.

Final Tally

Total Seats 87

NC 28

PDP 21

Cong 17

BJP 11

NPP 03

CPM 01

JKDP-N 01

PDF 01

indpendant-04
source:daily excelsior

Malaysia bans hindu organisation

 MALAYSIA BANS HINDU ORGANISATION

Hindu rights action force(HINDRAF) has been banned by Malaysian government which is predominantly muslim.
Hindraf came into international focus after it organized a massive rally on November 25 last year to protest alleged marginalisation of the ethnic Indian minority in this country.Malaysian home minister Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Albar said”The ministry found the organisation’s activities contravened the Societies Act 1966 and if left unchecked, the organisation could pose a threat to public order, peace, security and morality in Malaysia,” he said, adding that even the sovereignty of the country and prevailing racial harmony would be jeopardised.

More than 20,000 people attended the rally, which was branded as illegal by the government. The large participation took the Abdullah Badawi government by shock. A large section of the ethnic Indians supported the Hindraf as they felt that the Malaysian Indian Congress, led by Samy Vellu, had done little to uplift the community over the past several decades

Here is a copy of recent press statement by Hindraf chairman-WAYTHA MURTHY

PRESS STATEMENT

RE: COWARDLY ACT BY THE UMNO LED GOVERNMENT TO SUPPRESS AND OPPRESS MALAYSIAN INDIAN MINORITY

Declaring Hindraf as an illegal organization will in any case not banish the spirit that created Hindraf . Hindraf represents a very deep feeling experienced in the hearts and souls of millions of Indians both locally and Internationally.

This dastardly and ludicrous attempt by the Home minister to declare HINDRAF as an illegal organisation clearly indicates that the UMNO led government is at the end of their wit and shows that Malaysia is indeed a police state under the pretext of democracy.

The UMNO led government continued use of the sanctity of illegitimate laws such as ISA, Sedition Act, and now the Societies Act with their predatory acts against HINDRAF is a desperate attempt to silence legitimate voice of democracy.

The UMNO led government enjoys demonizing and bullying us on the pretext of law, public order, National security when all we are fighting for is to address the true and real condition of the downtrodden Malaysian Indians who have been systematically marginalized, suppressed and oppressed.

The UMNO government is not able to understand the phenomenon of Hindraf. Hindraf represents the Indian commoner, the hard working oily faced man who is made fun of in the streets, the man who people step on, the man who walks past you yet you notice him not. These are the people whom Hindraf represents – the marginalized and downtrodden Indians. They all do not wither away with this illegal declaration. The Government obviously has a primitive understanding of the situation, they cannot see a genuine problem within a significant section of the Malaysian society.

Look at the annals of history – when the people begin to demand what is truly theirs no governing elite have been able to stop them – take the French revolution, the American revolution, the anti-colonial and liberation movements through the first half of the 20th century and then the liberation of Africa in the late 20th century culminating in the abolition of apartheid in South Africa.

HNDRAF is peoples’ mass movement that seeks the moral and spiritual truth for the oppressed Malaysian Indians against the tyranny of the UMNO led government.

HINDRAF’s movement has raised the self worth of every individual in Malaysia and demand that the dignity and equality for each and every Malaysian cannot be abandoned and diluted for the glory of the UMNO led government whose only intention is to stir racial tension and maintain their status quo.

HINDRAF will not flinch with these threats and will continue its struggle against the UMNO regime in Malaysia as we can no longer be cowed nor are we any longer afraid. It is the people’s mass movement for moral and spiritual truth on the basis of humanity against the tyranny of the current ruling government.

It is only fair for the Prime Minister to advise his Home Minister to revoke the order.

Waytha Moorthy
HINDRAF – CHAIRMAN

 

 

 

sketches and pictures of delhi bomb blast suspects

 

These are the sketches of the suspects of delhi bomb blast.These sketches were released by Delhi police on 16-09-08.Interpol has also been alerted….

 

Amarnath Accord(full text)

Following is the text read out by Governor’s advisor S S Bloeria and Shri Amarnath Sangarsh Samiti convener Leela Karan Sharma during a joint press conference on Sunday morning.

1. The Shri Amarnathji Yatra, which has been going on for many centuries, is a shining symbol of communal harmony and brotherhood in Jammu & Kashmir and reflective of the state’s composite heritage. The Yatris have been welcomed with open arms by the people of both Jammu and Kashmir  divisions and all required facilities have been made available for them.

Sadly, certain decisions of the state government relating to the Yatra created misunderstandings which led to controversy and agitation and loss of many precious lives. Apart from the damage to property, there has been a colossal loss to the state’s economy in different sectors like transport, trade, industry, horticulture and tourism.

2. The Yatra to Shri Amarnathji Shrine has traditionally benefited a large number of local residents, many of whom have crucial dependence on this annual pilgrimage for their livelihood.

3. There has been no occasion in the past on which the state government has failed to provide the required support for the conduct of the Amarnathji Yatra. On the contrary, the extent and nature of governmental support to the Yatra has been progressively enhancing, from year to year.

4. In view of the need to seek a peaceful resolution of the fundamental issues, to settle all existing doubts and clarify the continuing responsibility of the Shri Amarnathji Shrine Board (SASB), the Governor of Jammu and Kashmir had constituted, on 6 August, 2008, a four-member Committee comprising: Dr. S. S. Bloeria, Advisor to Governor Justice

(Retd) Shri G. D. Sharma Prof. Amitabh Mattoo, Vice Chancellor, University of Jammu Shri B. B. Vyas, Principal Secretary to Governor and Chief Executive Officer, Shri Amarnathji Shrine Board.

5. The Committee held three rounds of discussions with the four-member Committee nominated by the Shri Amarnathji Yatra Sangharsh Samiti (SAYSS) which comprised:-  Shri Tilak Raj Sharma, Brif (Retd), Suchet Singh, rof. Narinder Singh and Shri Pawan Kohli.

6. The Governor has also held discussions with the leaders of political, social, religious, academic and other organizations in the Kashmir Valley. The predominant view, emerging out of the consultations, is that the Amarnath Yatra , which is a centuries old tradition of J&K’s rich composite heritage, will continue to be welcomed and supported by the people of Kashmir, in every possible way.

 It was also felt that while the Shrine Board could  continue to use the land, as in the past, for Yatra purposes, nothing should be done to alienate or transfer the land. While an assuring convergence of views has emerged, the Governor is committed to continuing the consultative process to ensure against any remaining misunderstanding whatsoever on an issue which has earlier led to serious misperceptions and human and economic loss.

Based on detailed discussions and deliberations held in the recent weeks, the following framework of action for resolving the issue relating to the use of land for the period of Yatra by the Shri Amarnathji Shrine Board, at Baltal and Domail, has been agreed to:-

A. The State Government shall set aside for the use by Shri Amarnathji Shrine Board, exclusively, the land in Baltal and Domail (Compartment No. 63/S, Sindh Forest Division) comprising an area of 800 kanals, traditionally under use for the annual Yatra purposes.

B. The proprietary status/ownership/title of the land shall not undergo any change.

C. The Board shall use the aforesaid land for the duration of the Yatra (including the period of making the required arrangements and winding up of the same) for the purpose of user by various service providers according to its needs and priorities.The aforesaid land shall be used according to the Board’s requirements, from time to time, including for the following:-

 i. Raising of temporary pre-fabricated accommodation and toilet facilities by the Board;

ii. Establishment of tented accommodation by private camping agencies (locals, permanent residents of the state);

 iii. Setting up of the shops by shopkeepers (locals, permanent residents of the state);

 iv. Facilities for Pony Wallas and Pithu Wallas;

 v. Provision of healthcare and medical facilities;

 vi. Setting up of free Langars by private persons and groups which are licensed by the Board;

vii. Facilities for helicopter operations/ parking of vehicles;

viii. Arrangements of security by local police/para-military forces and other security agencies as per the arrangements in place here-to-fore; and

ix. Undertaking measures relating to soil conservation, land protection and preservation of ecology.

7. It has further been agreed that the Board shall continue to remain responsible for the overall arrangements of the Yatra on both the routes during the Yatra period, including all arrangements as mandated under the provisions of the Shri Amarnathji Shrine Act, 2000 AD.

8. Apart from the above, the Committee set up by the Samiti had, during the course of discussions, presented a fourteen-point “Charter of Demands” for consideration by the state government.

The main demands relate to withdrawal of criminal cases against various persons during the period of agitation, provision of compensation to the families of the deceased and to the injured and working out of appropriate packages of financial assistance to compensate losses of the transport sector, trade and industry, horticulture sector, hoteliers and tourist operators.

The state government has agreed to examine all these demands in an appropriate manner on time-bound basis.

9. In particular, as regards the registration of criminal cases against various persons during the period of agitation, it is agreed that all cases of non-serious nature which shall mean bailable and compoundable will be withdrawn.

The remaining cases will be reviewed, on the merits of each case, by a Committee headed by Shri Anil Goswami, Principal Secretary (Home) within 60 days. Till the completion of this process, no action will be taken in such cases. Also, specific allegations of atrocities on agitators, based on prima-facie evidence, could also be looked into by this Committee.

10. Ex-gratia relief will be extended in favour of the next of the kin of the deceased and in favour of permanently disabled and the injured in all cases covered under the existing rules of the state government.

11. Further, a Working Group, under the Chairmanship of Chief Secretary will address all compensation issues relating to both Jammu and Kashmir Divisions and the Central government will be approached for extending financial support to the state government for this purpose within a period of two months. To make the exercise meaningful, one representative from each of the affected sectors will be associated with the deliberations of the Working Group.

12. The Shri Amarnathji Shrine Board will be reconstituted keeping in view the provisions of the Act and the past precedents. 

13. It is agreed that the Law Department in the state government will examine the issue of disposal of LPA in terms of the understanding made herein above within one month.

 Sd/-                              Sd/-

Source:rediff.com

(Lila Karan Sharma)           (Dr. S. S. Bloeria)

Convenor                      Advisor to Governor of J&K